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or  illustratad  imprassion. 


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whichavar  applias. 

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conformity  avac  las  conditions  du  contrat  da 
filmaga. 

Las  axamplairas  orlginaux  dont  la  couvartura  an 
papiar  ast  imprimAa  sont  filmwC  an  commandant 
par  la  pramiar  plat  at  an  tarminant  solt  par  la 
darnlAra  paga  qui  comporta  una  amprainta 
d'imprassion  ou  d'lllustration,  solt  par  la  sacond 
plat,  salon  la  cas.  Tous  las  autras  axamplairas 
orlginaux  sont  filmAs  an  comman9ant  par  la 
pramiira  paga  qui  comporta  una  amprainta 
d'imprassion  ou  d'lllustration  at  an  tarminant  par 
la  darniAra  paga  qui  comporta  una  talle 
amprainta. 

Un  das  symbolas  suivants  apparaftra  sur  la 
darnlAra  imaga  da  chaqua  microficha.  salon  la 
cas:  la  symbola  — »>  signifia  "A  SUIVRE".  la 
symbola  y  signifia  "FIN". 

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et  de  haut  en  bas,  en  prenant  la  nombre 
d'images  nAcassaira.  Las  diagrammes  suivants 
illustrent  la  mAthoda. 


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'V\     ■ 


SPEECH 


I 


09 


I 


MR.  GROVER,  OF  NEW  YORK, 


ON 


THE  OREGON  QUESTION. 


DFLIVERED 


5N  THE  HOUSE  OF  REPRESENTATIVES,  MONDAY,  JANUARY  26,  1846. 


WASHINGTON: 
SLAIR  &  RIVES,  PRINTERS 

1846. 


f 


itt^.^ 


THE    OREGON    QUESTION. 


rtic  rosolution  from  the  Committee  on  Foreign 
'AfTftiis,  requiring  the  President  to  notify  Great 
Britain  <'f  tlie  intention  of  the  United  States  to 
terminate  tiic  joint  oerupaney  of  Oregon,  and  to 
abrogate  the  convention  of'l827,  being  under 
consideration  in  Committee  of  the  Whole — 

Mr.  GROVER,  who  was  entitled  to  the  floor, 
rose  and  said: 

Mr.  CiiAiRMAv:  At  the  commencement  of  this 
debate  I  did  not  dcKign  to  take  any  part  in  it,  for  I 
W».'<  aware  tliat,  in  comparison  with  many  gentle- 
men on  this  floor,  I  pos.:"ssed  but  a  limited  knowl- 
edge of  the  subject  of  our  title  to  Oregon.  1  deem- 
ed it  a  course  more  becoming  in  me  to  listen  to 
lho.«e  who  had  more  thoroughly  investigated  the 
subj'M'f,  and  were  better  acquainted  with  its  bear- 
ings, than  to  trespass  upon  the  time  of  the  com- 
mittee myself.  1  did  not  change  that  intention 
until  I  observed,  from  the  various  conflicting  views 
presented  by  gentlemen  in  the  progress  of  the  dis- 
cussion, that  my  own  might  be  misunderstood  by 
my  constituents  and  I)y  the  House,  should  I  not 
give  a  brief  exposition  of  them.  I  have  been  highly 
gratified  with  much  that  has  occurred  during  the 
progress  of  the  debate,  while  I  have  not  been  able 
to  hear  other  portions  without  poignant  regret.  I 
regard  the  pending  question  before  the  House  as 
otie  of  the  greatest  importance — a  question  upon 
whit'h,  it  has  been  said,  the  momentous  interests 
of  jieace  and  war  arc  suspended.  I  rejoice  to  say 
that,  in  its  discussion,  as  yet,  no  distinctive  party 
lines  have  been  drawn;  on  the  contrary,  several 
gentlemen,  whose  political  tenets  are  opposed  to 
my  own,  have  most  ably  and  eloquently  advocated 
the  policy  of  giving  the  notice  to  Great" BriUiin  ter- 
minating the  joint  occupancy  in  Oregcn.  And,  on 
the  other  hand,  some  gentlemen  agreeing  politi- 
cally with  me,  have,  with  equal  ability  and  earn- 
estness, opposed  it.  This  was  as  it  ever  should 
be.  Mere  questions  of  party  politics  ought  not  to 
mingle  with  the  foreign  relations  of  the  country. 
However  much  we  might  differ  with  each  other 
upon  questions  of  dumestic  policy,  and  however 
bitter  our  strifes  might  become,  we  should  always 
in  our  transactions  with  other  nations,  regard  our- 
selves as  one  people — having  a  common  interest, 
abbarked  in  the  same  bottom,  and  destined  to  ex- 
pferience  n  common  fate.  There  was  one  thing 
which  I  cannot  but  deeply  regret,  and  that  is,  the 

S)pearances  of  a  somewhat  local  and  sectional  di- 
sion.  I  still  move  deeply  deplore  the  allusion 
Ijade  by  the  gentlemar.  from  South  Carolina,  [Mr. 
■HETT,]  "  to  nimors,  that  the  course  of  some  gen- 
^cmen  was  influenced  by  other  than  patriotic  mo- 


'  tivcs;  that  the  gentlemen  from  the  West  were  min- 
'  gling  up  with  this  question  schemes  and  hope.^  in 
'  regard  to  the  next  Presidential  canvass;  and  that 
'  the  delegation  from  -New  York  were  moved  by 
'  indignation  growing  out  of  events  connected  with 
'  the  late  canvass. "  New  York  indignant!  Why 
should  she  be,  sir.'  I  will  take  the  libertv  to  tell 
gentlemen  here,  and  the  country  at  large,  that  New 
York  entertains  no  such  feelings.  No,  far  from  it; 
pleased  with  the  present,  gratified  with  the  past, 
New  York,  with  confidence,  leaves  the  future  in 
the  hands  of  those  to  whom  it  belongs — the  people 
of  the  nation.  I  know  she  never  can  descend  to 
act  from  so  base  a  motive.  The  people  of  New 
York  know  of  no  reason  why  they  should  be  dis- 
pleased with  the  existing  strtc  of  our  political  af- 
fairs. 

The  gentleman  from  Virginia,  [Mr.  Pendle- 
ton,] who  had  addressed  the  Kousc  this  morning, 
alluded  to  the  Baltimore  Convention,  and  to  what 
he  deemed  the  very  strange  results  that  had  there 
transjiired.  The  delegates  of  a  great  and  power- 
ful politiv-al  party  assembled  at  that  place — a  party 
which,  with  very  brief  exceptions,  have,  since  the 
commencement  of  the  nineteenth  century,  con- 
trolled the  destinies  of  this  nation.  These  dele- 
gates were  charged  with  the  duty  of  selecting 
candidates  to  be  supported  by  the  party  for  the 
highest  ofiices  in  the  nation  in  the  then  approach- 
ing contest.  It  is  true,  that,  when  thus  assem- 
bled, there  were  urged,  by  their  respective  friends, 
with  great  zeal  and  earnestness,  the  claims  of  their 
particular  favorites,  and  a  somewhat  vehement 
discussion,  occupying  several  days,  ensued,  closing 
with  the  unanimous  nomination  of  the  present  in- 
cumbent of  the  Executive  chair.  This  seems  pass- 
ing strange  to  that  gentleman;  but  his  astonish- 
ment at  a  result  like  tliis  will  be  somewhat  abated 
by  a  better  knowledge  of  the  real  nature  and  true 
character  of  that  great  and  patriocic  party  there 
represented.  With  the  Democracy  of  the  coun- 
try, men  are  a  secondary  consideration;  they  re- 
garded their  principles  of  vastly  greater  import- 
ance. Principles  before  men,  ever  have  been,  and 
I  hope  ever  will  be,  their  motto.  Findhig  these  in- 
scribed upon  their  banners,  they  regard  as  of  little 
moment  who  are  the  candidates,  provided  they 
be  "honest,  fiiithful,  and  capable."  It  i.?,  indeed, 
true  that  New  York  was  deeply  disappointed  in 
the  result.  That  name  which  she  had  long  de- 
sired to  see  selected  as  the  choice  of  that  conven- 
tion was  passed  by.  The  news  came  upon  her 
with  stunning  efl!ect.  The  inquiry  passed  from  man 
to  man.  What  causes  can  have  effected  this.'  She 
searched  for  the  cause,  and  found  that  it  v/as  the 


J  -, 

4 » 


r 


nr"liinatii)ns  of  tlic  CDinnion  riicniy.  Tiny  had 
av.ulcd  tliciiisi'IvcH  of  tlie  .siinic  aijciicy  t'ni|tloy<'il 
of  (lid  l(t  iiidui;c  Almh  to  ^'o  up  to  llamotli  Gil- 
cud  l(j  balllfi.  I-'ar  and  wide  luid  tlicy  insidiously 
whispered  that  he  could  Dot  he  eh^cted,  and  in  some 
quartuirf  had  produced  that  lielief.  Wo  iieid  them 
responsible;  and  ere  the  ides  of  Noveniher  paid 
the  debt,  New  York  was  fully  satisfied  with  the 
principles  jironiidyated  by  that  convention,  and 
with  the  man  of  ils  choice;  and  beiii;^  thus  assured 
that  her  princi[)les  were  safe,  she  soon  shook  oil' 
the  momeniary  l>ani?  of  disappointment,  and  nei- 
ther expressed  nor  felt  nny  dissatisfaction  at  the 
result.  Such,  I  trust,  will  ever  be  her  course.  It 
ismagn.inimousand  wise;  and  1  liope  that  so  ^ood 
an  example  will  bo  followed  by  every  Irieiid  of  De- 
mocratic principles  throuijhout  the  entire  country. 
Let  but  this  spirit  prevail,  and  the  exulljition  of 
the  gentleman  at  the  slight  dilferences  of  opinion 
exhibited  here  will  be,  as  it  ever  has  been  with 
him  and  his  political  friends,  short-lived  indeed. 
Let  him  not  lay  the  flattering  unciion  to  his  soul, 
tluit  from  any  causes  now  operaliiiir,  or  likely  to 
operate,  tiie  })arty  is  doomed.  With  these  pre- 
liminary remarks,  I  will  now  address  myself  to  the 
question  immediately  l)efore  the  House,  and  will 
state,  as  briefly  as  possible,  my  views  thereon. 

I  have  already  staled  tliat,  at  the  outset  of  the 
debate,  I  knew,  comparatively,  little  of  the  points 
involved.  I  had  not,  at  that  time,  carefully  ex- 
amined our  title  to  the  territory.  I  knew,  indeed, 
that  in  1790  Great  Britain  and  Spain  liad  imitually 
agreed  that  each  should  johitly  enjoy  the  rights  of 
trafficing  with  the  Indians  throughout  that  coun- 
try; pr,  rather,  that  Spain  had  permitted  England  to 
exercise  jointly  with  her  those  rights.  To  this 
transaction  the  United  States  were  not  parties — they 
had  nothino;  to  do  with  it.  Their  chums  could  not 
be  aflccted  by  that  arrangement.  I  knew,  further, 
that  in  1818,  and  while  Great  Britain  now  claims 
that  the  above  arrangement  with  Spain  was  in  full 
force,  a  convention  had  been  entered  into  between 
Great  Britain  and  the  United  States,  by  the  pro- 
visions of  which  England  had  agree(l  that  we 
•should  have  a  joint  occupancy  with  her  of  the 
vyhole  of  Oregon;  or,  at  least,  as  some  insist,  a 
liberty  to  navigate  its  rivers,  creeks,  and  harbors, 
and  to  trade  with  the  Indian  tribes;  in  all  these 
respects  placing  us  on  an  equal  footing  with  her- 
t;elf,  and  agreemg  that  the  question  of  title,  in  the 
meanwhile,  should  remain  in  abeyance.  I  further 
knew  that,  in  1819,  we  acquired  S'll  the  rights  of 
Spain  to  the  territory  by  virtue,  of  the  Florida 
treaty.  Now,  if  we  hadf,  as  conceded  by  Eng- 
land in  1818,  an  equal  right  with  herself  to  the  ter- 
ritory, and  Spain,  as  she  insisted,  also  possessing 
at  that  time  an  equal  right,  it  seems  to  me  clear 
that  when  we  had  acquired  the  rights  of  Spain  by 
purchase,  we  then  possessed,  at  least,  a  right  in 
title  to  hco-thinls  of  the  territory — our  own  and 
Spain's.  So  much  I  knew;  but  I  had  never  look- 
ed into  the  "journals  of  old  voyages  of  discovery, 
nor  turned  over  those  musty  records,"  of  which 
the  gentleman  from  Massachusetts  [Mr.  Win- 
THROp]  had  spoken  with  such  slight  respect. 
But  when,  sub.scquently,  I  examined  the  ofiicial 
correspondence  between  our  negotiators  and  the 
British  envoy,  my  former  opinion  had  been 
changed,  and  now,  mstead  of  thinking  we  had  only 
two-thirds  of  the  title,  I  have  become  convinced 


that  we  arc  entitled  to  the  vluik,  aiul  that  Gk 
Britain  has  no  right  to  the  territory  at  all,  but 
only  a  "  tenant  at  will."  I  therefore  was  notsu 
pri.sod  that  the  gentleman  from  Virginia  [Rl 
I  Pkndlkton]  should  express  his  n  ijret  at  the  piil 
lication  of  the  correspoiidenco,  and  should  spcn 
of  it  as  an  Executive  indiscretion.  Did  1  enterta 
I  the  views  of  that  gentleman,  I,  too,  would  certaii 
ly  regret  it.  "  If  Oregon  is  not  worth  a  furthing- 
if  it  recjuires  the  geuiub  of  v.  Shakspeare  U>  pai. 
its  horrors,"  I  should  regret  that  the  people  Ir^n 
had  such  a  document  sulmiitted  to  their  examiii: 
tion;  from  the  pcnisal  nf  which,  I  doubt  not,  tht 
will  become  satisfied  tha'  their  title  is  good  ui>  i 
54°  40'. 

1  am  at  a  loss  how  to  understand  that  gentli 
man.  In  one  part  of  his  argument, he  insists  tin 
the  territory  is  utterly  worthless;  in  another  par 
that  it  is  situated  at  too  great  a  distance  ever  to  I 
come  a  part  of  our  confederacy;  and  in  still  anotln 
part,  he  objects  to  giving  the  notice,  for  the  reasi 
that  he  thinks  by  so  doing  we  should  not  be  ali 
to  obtain  the  whole  of  it.  Of  one  thing  that  gei 
tleman  may  be  assured,  that  although  he  may  n 
gard  it  indiscreet  ui  the  Executive  to  publish  tj 
correspondence,  the  people  will  not.  They  nevi 
will  forgive  one  of  their  agents  for  withholdii 
from  them  information  as  to  their  title  to  any  jm 
tion  of  their  territory.  They  regard  it  as  aflectii 
their  rights,  and  will  insist  upon  their  public  si 
vants  giving  them  the  earliest  and  fullest  inform: 
tion  concerning  them.  But  if  after  the  perusal  ■ 
these  documents  I  could  still  entertain  any  doulr 
as  to  our  right,  they  would  be  efrcctually  removt 
by  what  has  fallen  from  the  gentleman  from  Ma; 
sachusetts,  [Mr.  Wintiiuop.]  That  gentlemii 
brought  to  the  examination  of  this  question  tl. 
energies  of  his  gigantic  mind  and  all  the  treasure 
of  his  legal  learning;  and  after  a  thorough  invesi 
gation  of  the  whole  question,  told  the  commitK 
our  title  to  the  whole  territory  was  the  best  of  tL 
two.  This  is  enough  for  me.  Can  there,  I  asl 
be  Iwo  good  titles  to  the  same  territory  held  by  tvi 
dilferent  Ui-.tions  at  the  same  time.'  If  two  dain 
ants  hold  titles  to  the  same  fiu-m,  can  one  of  thei 
be  good  as  against  the  other,  and  yet  the  other  bi: 
ter.'  It  is  an  absurdity.  A  claim  must  be  "eitln 
good  or  good  tor  nothing. 

With  one  or  two  exceptions,  no  one  who  lir 
engaged  in  this  debate  has  expressed  a  shade  i 
doubt  as  to  our  title.  A  colleague  of  my  ov 
[Mr.  Goodyear]  said  that  Great  Britain  had  rigli; 
in  Oregon.  No  doubt  of  it;  but  what  are  they 
The  right  of  trading  with  the  Indians — a  riglit  si; 
extorted  from  Spain  in  1790;  and  the  same  rigl 
was  assented  to  by  us  by  the  convention  of  181* 
renewed  in  1827.  These  are  her  rights,  and  ii 
the  rights  she  has  there.  Now,  under  these  ci; 
cumstan^cs,  what  does  the  President  recommend 
To  give  the  notice  provided  for  by  the  latter  coi; 
vention,  terminating  the  joint  occupancy  afier  tl. 
expiration  of  twelve  months.  This  will  strip  In 
of  the  riglit  she  now  holds;  and,  if  she  continues  i; 
the  possession  of  the  territory,  will  convert  li' 
into  d  trespasser.  She  is  now  a  "  tenant  at  will.' 
After  notice  to  quit,  she  will  be  a  trespasscr- 
neither  more  nor  Jess.  But  the  honorable  geiitl! 
man  from  Massachusetts  [Mr.  Winthrop]  tolL 
the  committee  there  was  no  need  whatever  of  sci 
tling  tliis  question  now;  tliat  it  may  remain  in  ii 


oli:,  niul   that  Gk 

•riiDry  at.  all,  but 

reforr'  was  not  sii 

nni  Virpiniii  [Rl 

M  rcirrct  at  tlio  ])ul 

niiu  sliould  sj)(  ii 

I.     Did  I  fiitertii 

too,  would  ccrtaii 

worth  a  lUitliiiig- 

lakspcare  to  })ai, 

a  tlie  jicoplc  ii:n 

to  their  fxaniiii; 

,  I  doubt  not,  till 

'  lithi  is  good  uj> 

stand  that  gciUl. 
lent,  lie  insists  th; 
in  another  pur 
listance  ever  to  L 
and  in  still  unotln 
tice,  for  the  reas( 
honld  not  be  ali 
ne  thing  tliat  gei 
hough  he  may  n 
ive  to  publish  il 
not.     They  iievi 
s  for  withnoldii 
title  to  any  jmj 
gard  it  as  aflectii. 
n  tlieir  public  S( 
nd  fullest  inforni; 
ftcr  the  perusal  > 
ertain  any  doulr  ' 
Ifcetually  remove 
tleinan  from  M;i; 
That  gentleniH 
this  question  tl. 
d  all  tlie  treasur 
I  tliorougli  invest 
lid  the  commitu 
vas  the  best  of  tl. 
Can  there,  I  asl 
i-itory  held  by  tv. 
e  ?     n  two  claiii 
,  can  one  of  thci 
yet  the  other  bi 
m  must  be  eitL. 

,  no  one  who  iir 
ressed  a  shade  ( 
ague  of  my  o\v 
Britain  liadrigli; 
It  w^hat  are  they 
Hans — a  right  si'; 
id  the  same  rigl, 
nvention  of  18J' 
;r  riglits,  and  a 
,  under  these  ci: 
dent  recommcii(i 
by  the  latter  coi: 
cupancy  afier  tl; 
his  will  strip  Ik 
f  she  continues  i: 
will  convert  Iw 
'tenant  at  will. 
)e  n  trespasser- 
honorable  geiitli 

WiNTHROP]    toll     , 

'.  whatever  of  sc  i 
lay  remain  in  ii 


present  position  just  as  well  as  not  for  fifty  years 
to  come.  Is  il  so?  Can  any  attentive  observer  of 
the  progress  of  our  people  in  sulxluingand  settling  [ 
tliis  continent — any  man  who  reflects  upon  what  , 
actually  lias  happened  within  the  last  fifty  years — 
the  (luadrupling  of  our  population,  and  the  va.st 
amount  of  territory  settled — possibly  suppose  that 
ihe  question  of  title  may  still  remain  in  ai)eyancc 
for  fifty  years  to  come.'  Is  it  a  legitimate  mode 
of  reasoning  to  urge,  because  we  have  got  along 
peaceably  since  1818,  that  we  can  still  continue  to 
do  so?  Is  it  not  witliin  the  last  year  or  two  only 
that  our  people  have  commenced  any  consider- 
able settlements  in  the  territory.'  Does  not  every 
one  see  that  long  before  the  lapse  of  fifty  years,  the 
settlements  by  our  citizens,  as  well  as  those  of 
Great  Britain,  will  have  increased  to  such  an  ex- 
tent lis  to  render  a  joint  occupancy  impossible .' 
A  short  retrospect  of  our  national  progress  must, 
surely,  convince  any  man  that  further  delay  of  a 
question  like  this  wdl  be  dangerous — that,  instead 
of  making  the  final  settlement  easier,  it  will  but 
complicate  its  difficulties. 

Another  view  of  the  subject  has  been  presented 
to  our  consideration,  denominated  at  first  "  mas- 
terly inactivity,"  but  recently  "masterly  activity." 
Those  who  advocate  this  plan,  though  opposed  to 
giving  the  notice,  have  unitedly  expressed  their 
opinion  that  our  tide  to  the  whole  territory  is  clear 
and  indisputable,  together  with  a  strong  desire  even- 
tually to  obtain  the  whole.  Let  us  briefly  exam- 
ine their  system  of  measures.  They  propose  to 
get  the  country  peopled  with  American  citizens. 
How .'  By  intiucing  our  people  to  go  there  and 
settle.  What  prospects  do  they  present  to  induce 
them  to  do  thus?  When  they  are  inquired  of, 
"  Have  you  any  title  lo  the  country?"  the  reply 
must  be,  no,  not  yet,  only  the  right  of  joint  occu- 
pancy; when  that  terminates,  it  is,  as  yet,  uncer- 
tain whether  you  must  apply  for  a  title  to  your 
farms  to  us,  or  to  Great  Britain.  Will  men  be 
very  likely  to  go  under  such  an  inducement  ?  Is 
this  sufficient  to  tempt  our  people  to  seek  homes 
for  themselves  and  their  posterity  in  a  wilderness  ? 
Gentlemen  may  say, "  We  will  grant  them  mnds. " 
But,  can  we  do  this  ?  Have  we  not,  by  the  con- 
vention, given  to  Great  Britain  the  enjoyment  of 
certain  rights  in  the  entire  territory?  While  that 
remains  in  force  will  she  not  complain,  and  justly, 
too,  if  we  take  any  steps  tending  to  abridge  those 
rights?  But  suppose  we  overcome  this  obstacle: 
cannot  Great  Britain  present  to  her  settlers  the 
same,  if  not  greater  inducements?  May  she  not 
also  make  grants  of  land  in  the  territory  ?  Clearly 
so;  and  when  we  give  thousands  to  our  people, 
will  she  not  give  milli  3  to  hers?  When  this 
scheme  has  been  operating  for  a  few  years,  how 
then  will  stand  the  question  ?  Can  either  Great 
Britain  or  ourselves,  with  honor,  negotiate  away 
the  territory  to  which  titles  have  been  granted  ? 
Clearly  not.  Each  will  be  bound  to  defend  their 
own  grants  at  all  hazards.  They  must  do  it. 
Have  geiuleinen  duly  considered  this  ?  If  they 
have,  they  surely  will  abandon  all  hopes  arising 
from  the  idea  that  we  can  safely  let  this  question 
remain  in  statu  quo  for  fifty  years,  or  for  any  con- 
siderable period  of  time. 

The  gentleman  from  Alabama  [Mr.  Yancey] 
has  advised  us  to  wait  until  we  have  twenty  thou- 
sand rifles  there,  and  men  to  use  them,  and  suf- 


ficient provi.^ions  to  support  an  army.  Are  wr, 
then,  to  .say  to  emigrants:  True,  we  can  gi\e  you 
no  title,  but  never  you  mind;  take  your  axes  and 
rifles;  goon;  get  into  I  ic  territory;  work  away; 
clear  up  the  country  until  you  can  raise  provisions 
enough  to  maintain  an  army;  and  wIk'Ii  you  get 
strong  enough  in  arms  and  numbers  to  drive  off 
the  British,  and  us,  too,  then  our  kind,  ])atcrnal 
Government  will  interfere;  then  we  will  assert  our 
title  to  the  whole  territory,  send  our  army  iht.'re  to 
protect  you,  and  eat  up  the  provisions  you  have 
rai.sed  for  our  trooi)s;  then  we  will  dot  your  coun- 
try over  with  our  land  offices,  peddle  out  to  you 
the  soil  you  have  reclaimed  from  the  savag('s,  and 
put  the  money  into  our  treasury!  Is  not  this,  af- 
ter all,  pretty  much  the  amount  of  the  argument? — 
Wait  until  you  can  sustain  yourselves;  then  let  us 
in,  and  we  will  oi)en  for  our.selves,  and  foryou, 
all  those  fine  avenues  for  the  commerce  of  the 
world  that  have  figured  so  largely  in  this  de- 
bate. "  But  how  are  we  to  be  p;ovcrned  in  the 
mean  while?"  the  emigrant  will  inquire.  Gentle- 
men may  answer:  Rest  perfectly  easy  on  that 
score;  you  shall  be  governed  to  your  heart's  con- 
tent; you,  in  this  respect,  shall  be  doubly  blessed; 
Great  Britain  has  extended  her  laws  over  tlie  ter- 
ritory, and  wc  will  ours!  You  shall  enjoy  the 
blessings  of  two  Governments;  two  sets  of  officers 
throughout;  two  inde])endent  judiciaries;  two  .sets 
of  executive  and  ministerial  officers,  amenable  to 
different  Powers,  administering  difierent  systems 
of  law!  How  will  this  operate?  Suppose  a  con- 
troversy arises  between  an  American  and  British 
settler.  Each  will  run  to  the  tribunal  of  his  own 
country,  procure  process,  and  start  with  the 
marshal  in  hot  pursuit  of  his  antagonist,  meeting 
perhaps  midway.  What  nov/  ensues  ?  Who,  at 
all  acquainted  with  the  disposition  of  the  Ameri- 
can people,  will  expect  that  they  will  quietly  sur- 
render to  the  British  authority?  Who,  knowing 
the  nature  of  John  Bull,  expects  him  to  surrender, 
and  suffer  himself  to  be  marched  up  quietly  to  the 
American  tribunal  ?  I  presume  none.  What,  then, 
will  be  the  consequence  ?  A  fight  ensues.  The 
countrymen  of  the  respective  parties  rusli  in,  and 
participate  in  the  contest;  the  intelligence  sjireads; 
each  parly  exasperated  against  the  other,  and  en- 
tertaining feelings  of  the  deepest  hostility,  war 
among  them,  in  its  most  horrid  form,  becomes  in- 
evitable. True,  peace  may  exist  in  Boston  and 
Charleston.  The  citizens  of  these  commercial 
marts  may  pursue  their  traffic  undisturbed — their 
ships,  their  homes,  and  their  families  may  be  safe. 
But  can  this  bo  called  an  honorable  peace  ?  Coax 
our  citizens  to  Oregon  for  the  purpose  of  securing 
our  title  to  the  country,  involve  them  in  war,  and 
then,  for  the  purpose  of  preserving  peace  for  our- 
selves, abandon  them  to  their  fate  !  The  Ameri- 
can people  will  never  do  this;  no,  never.  I  assure 
gentlemen  that  all  hopes  of  preserving  peace  in 
this  way  are  delusive,  I  regard  this  as  a  .species 
of  "activity,"  or  "inactivity,"  call  it  what  you 
will,  that  may  well  become  the  American  people 
to  let  alone. 

We  must,  it  appears  to  me,  choose  between  two 
alternatives — either  back  out,  by  abandoning  our 
title  to  the  territory,  or  meet  the  question  at  once 
in  a  manner  that  becomes  the  dignity  of  the  nation. 
The  former  course  is  not  to  be  thought  of;  the 
people  of  all  paities  will  scout  at  the  idea.    What 


6 


I 


then?  Wn  must  take  the  other  course;  give  the 
notice  rrroinmcmlcd  by  the  Kxrculivr.  IJul,  we 
are  told,  this  will  lend  to  war.  Will  ii  do  so?  I 
do  not  know.  I  cannot,  witli  rortiiiniy,  predict. 
I  do  not  hcjifve  it  will.  VVIiv  ■■^Ixmld  this  produce 
war  ?  It  will  he  hut  the  exerclxd  of  a  riL'lit  reserved 
to  hoth  |)arlieH  by  the  convention:  mikI  how  can 
Great  Ihitain  take  tunl>ra'i;e  tVoui  this?  Yet  .she 
may.  1  tlo  not  believe  she  will;  but  if  otherwise, 
be  It  so;  we  catinot  lu:lp  it.  The  irenthinan  from 
BoHton  [Mr.  Wi\riiuor]  iins  told  the  conunittee 
"  that  II  war  ffrowinnj  out  of  this  ipiestion  will  be 
an  eternal  diHij^riicc  to  both  nations."  To  one-half 
of  this  proposition,  I  ac;ree.  It  will  be  an  eternal 
dis^rnce  to  Great  Hriiain  to  j^o  to  war  on  this  ac- 
eoutit;  to  persist  to  that  extremity  in  Ikt  tudial- 
lowed  attempts  to  rob  us  of  our  territory.  Not  so 
with  lis.  We  would  be  but  defeiidinu:  our  own 
soil — (lisiliaru:in2;  the  most  sacred  duty  a  srovcrn- 
ment  owes  its  citizens,  by  extendins;  to  them  the 
jirotection  of  our  laws  and  (ireservinij  the  iiite^'rity 
of  our  territory.  If  war  ^row  out  of  su<'h  a  coiu-se 
on  our  part,  1  trust  in  Gmi  we  shall  hear  the  united 
response  fnmi  o\ir  people — Let  it  come!  I  feel 
sure  that  sueii  will  be  the  voice  of  the  jrreat  State 
I  have  tlie  honor,  in  |)art,to  represent.  The  gen- 
tleman from  Alabama,  [Mr.  Yavcf.y,]  and  two  or 
three  from  Viri^inia,  have  told  us  there  is  no  dis- 
grace in  our  lettinij  thini::s  remain  a.s  they  are.  No 
clisn;racc  in  permitting;  Great  iiriiain  to  occupy 
American  .soil — to  exercise  her  sovereignty  over 
it — to  compel  American  citizens  to  submit  to  her 
trilninals!  Will  the  gentlemen  say  so,  if  Great 
Britain  occupies  a  jiart  of  Virs^inia?  I  presume 
not.  I  cannot  yield  my  as.se.it  to  this  doctrine. 
With  me  it  makes  no  ditrerencc  whetiier  Great 
Britain  attempts  to  exercise  her  aiitliority  over 
American  territory  in  the  North,  the  South,  or  in 
the  far-ofl'  regions  of  Oregon.  I  will  be  equally 
prom|)t  to  resist  her  in  nil  directions.  Our  safety, 
as  well  as  our  honor,  will  not  permit  us  to  stop 
short  of  this.  Will  it  be  no  disgrace  to  a  peojiie 
who,  more  than  twenty  years  ago,  proclaimed 
through  their  Executive  "  that  tliey  no  longer  re- 
ganhid  this  continent  as  open  for  future  Europeiui 
colonization?" — a  people  who  arc  even  now  re- 
peating this,  and  yet  cannot  and  date  not  take  pos- 
session of  territory  undoubtedly  their  own,  for  fear 
of  a  war  wi  h  England?  If  this  is  so,  let  us  hide 
our  diminished  heads.  Let  us  no  longer,  like 
braggarts,  be  talking  about  regulating  ihe  course 
of  other  nations  in  plantin?  colonies,  until  we  can 
protect,  without  the  aid  of  Great  Britain,  American 
citizens  upon  American  soil! 

But,  say  tentlemen,  "the  notice  will  lead  to 
war,  and  war  is  a  dreadful  thin^-."  Where  was 
the  prospect  r f  war  ?  None  could  regret  its  occur- 
rence iTiore  than  myself;  and  sure  I  am,  if  it  de- 
pends upon  the  people  of  this  country  alone,  there 
will  be  no  war.  They  desire  no  war.  They 
claim  no  more  than  is  their  own.  They  demand 
only  what  belongs  to  them  ;  and  if,  for  advan- 
cing and  persisting  in  a  just  claim,  war  should 
conic  upon  them,  it  will  be  a  war  of  aggression, 
and  the  responsibility  will  be  upon  the  aggressor. 
We  can  stand  in  the  face  of  the  world,  and 
proclaim  ourselves  innocent  and  blameless.  Gen- 
tlemen have  told  the  committee  "  it  wijl  be  an 
almost  endless  war — the  most  bloody  and  mo- 
mentous the  world  has  ever  seen  ;    that  it  will 


continue  until  either  Great  Britain  or  nursclvenarc 
entirely  corupu'red  ;  that  En^'land  will  never  yieUl 
up  Oregon  until  her  lion  has  been  driven  from 
stronghold  to  stronghold  ;  in  short,  that  it  will  be 
a  war  of  systems — a  war  wherein  the  moiinrchic^l 
•  will  be  arrayed  against  the  democratic  principle."' 
t  Will  it  be  such  ?  Do  trentlcsmen  suppose,  that  we 
at  the  North — whom  I  presume  the  ixeiiileniaii  from 
•South  ('arolina  [Mr.  RiikttI  referred  to,  as  **  be- 
ing dwellers  under  an  October  sun" — will  ever  think 
of  iindt^rtaking  a  war  to  impose  upon  other  nati(»n8 
a  re|)ublican  form  of  Government  ?  I  assure  the 
gentleman  we  will  not.  We  have  never  so  learned 
our  creed.  W<!  beli(;ve  that  democratic  princi- 
ples would  wither  and  die  in  such  an  attempt.  We 
wiiiild  as  soon  think  of  propagating  the  princijiles 
of  our  holy  religion  by  the  sword  and  fa^ol  !  I 
believe  that  a  struggle  between  tlios(!  systems  is 
inevitable  ;  that  it  is  already  iroing  on  tliro,i;:houl 
the  world  ;  but  in  the  contest  our  doctrines  are  not 
proclaimed  by  the  thundering  voice  of  the  cannon. 
No !  Such  contest  has  no  alliance  with  the  mili- 
tary cliieftain  in  his  ('pauletteN  and  plumes.  None 
of  the  pomp  and  noise  of  war  is  needed.  The  al- 
lies are  wichly  diHerent  from  all  these.  They  are 
the  liuml)ie  schoolmaster,  (piietly  nerforminir  his 
office  in  educatiuL'  the  world,  aided  liy  that  niiirhty 
engine — tiie  printing  press  !  scattering,  broaihvist, 
knowledge  and  intelligence  throughout  the  earth. 
These,  and  these  alone,  are  the  weapons  used;  and, 
I  doubt  not,  they  will  prove  victorious. 

Here  I  wish  to  notice  the  caution  given  by  the 
gentleman  from  Alabama  [Mr.  Yancky]  to  our 
western  frieiids  to  be  careful  of  us  northern  men  in 
this  business:  claiming  that  we  would  like  to  get 
Canada  and  the  other  British  provinces  north  of 
us,  and  when  we  had  obtained  them,  we  would 
turn  round  and  be  for  negotititing  away  and  yield- 
ing u|)  Oregon.  Does  the  North  wish  to  conquer 
(^Janada,  sir  ?  and  how  and  when  has  she  proposed 
to  do  it?  True,  the  North  can  drive  out  the  Brit- 
ish troops,  destroy  their  fortresses,  and  remove 
from  them  every  vestige  of  British  power.  AVhat 
more  can  she  do?  Nothing  at  all.  This  effected, 
she  must  withdraw,  and  leave  the  people  of  Can- 
ada ]ierfectly  free  to  choose  a  form  of  government 
for  themselves.  If  they  preferred  a  monarchical 
form  of  government,  so  lie  it — let  them  establish  it. 
If  they  choose  to  return  to  a  stale  of  colonial  de- 
pendence upon  Great  Britain,  or  enter  into  that 
relation  with  any  other  European  Power,  it  would 
be  their  right  so  to  do,  and  we  could  not  complain. 
If  they  should  desire  a  republican  form  of  jrovern- 
ment,  and  seek  admission  into  our  confederacy,  we 
should  open  wide  our  doors,  and  hail  them  as 
brethren.  This  is  all  we  mean  by  taking  Canada — 
simply  removing  every  obstacle — every  foreiirn  im- 
pediment to  the  free  action  of  her  people.  In  case 
of  war  between  us  and  Great  Britain,  I  have  no 
doubt  we  should  speedily  do  this.  Such  arc  all 
the  conquests  we  can  ever  make.  We  can  never 
establish  colonies  or  impose  forms  of  government 
upon  a  conquered  people.  The  genius  of  our  in- 
stitutions forbids  it.  We  must,  from  the  very  na- 
ture of  our  Constitution  and  laws,  have  the  free 
consent  of  the  people  with  whom  we  arc  con- 
nected. 

I  have  been  much  amused,  as  well  as  delighted, 
by  the  picture  so  well  and  so  graphically  drawn  by 
the  gentleman  from  Virginia,  [Mr,  Bedinger,]  of 


I 


or  oiirsrlvpRare 
will  nrvrr  yifUi 
cti)  driven   irom 
•t,  iliat  it  will  jje 
tile  niiiimrcliical 
iTnlicpriiuiple." 
suppose;  ilial  we 
I'  .''  nileiiian  from 
rnd  to,  aa  "  be- 
' — will  ever  think 
loii  other  nations 
It .'     I  assure  the 
never  so  learned 
•luorratic   prinn- 
aii  attempt.    We 
Mir  the  principles 
|-<1  iind   taijot  '     1 
ios(^   syste;ns   is 
S  oil  tliro.iirliom 
lioctrines  are  not 
c  of  the  eannon. 
c.e  with  the  mili- 
piunics.    None 
leeded.     The  al- 
he.se.     Tliey  are 
■  perforniiii<r  his 
i  iiy  tiiat  niiirhiy 
crinn;,  hroadwi.st, 
rhout  tlio  earth. 
apons  used;  and, 
•ioiiB. 

on  eiven  by  the 
V^anci;y]  to'  our 
northern  men  in 
rould  like  to  get 
nvinees  north  of 
hem,  we  would 
away  and  yield- 
wish  to  conquer 
las  she  proposed 
ive  out  tlie  Brit- 
ics.  and  remove 
I  power.     What 
This  efiVrted, 
people  of  Can- 
I  of  gfovernment 
1  a  monarchical 
hem  esfahlish  it. 
of  colonial  de- 
enter  into  that 
Power,  it  would 
Id  not  complain, 
form  of  covern- 
confederacy,  we 
d  hail  them  as 
akinir  Canada — 
very  foreign  im- 
leople.     In  case 
itain,  I  have  no 
.     Such  are  all 
We  can  never 
of  govenmient 
inius  of  our  in- 
oni  the  very  na- 
!,  have  the  free 
n  we  arc  con- 

?11  as  delighted. 

ically  drawn  by 

Bedivger,]  of 


Ihc  course  of  the  ea^io  at  Harper's  Ferry.  Would 
thnt  that  |:eiitlemBn,and  his  friends  in  tnis  debate, 
would  imitate  the  exam])le  of  the  ea^le  he  had  so 
imprejfsively  described.  He  represented  that  no- 
ble bird,  when  a  dark  and  portentous  cloud  was 
•dTanoins  front  iJie  West,  as  dashiiif?  lioidly  into 
ita  thiikest  ifloorrr,  again  and  again  aiteni|itiug  to 
penetrate  and  cu'.  its  way  tlirough  it,  but  as  finally 
■weeping  arounl  it  and  settling  on  the  loftiest  peak 
(of  the  neighboriiig  mountain;  and  then  the  cloud's 
.passing  over  with>.i:t  a  drop  of  rain  having  fallen 
front  u.  These  gentltmcn  imagine  they  behold  a 
portentous  cloud  arising  out  of  this  notice;  but 
when  liiey,  in  fancy,  see  its  dark  folds  hanging 
like  nigh:  over  them  and  threatening  to  deluge  the 
land,  do  they,  like  the  eagle,  dash  into  its  thickest 

5 loom.'  Not  at  all.  They  slop  their  flight  and 
roop  their  wings  before  they  get  within  twelve 
months  *  reach  of  the  cloud!  Why  not,  gentlc- 
aaen,  really  imitate  your  eagle  of  the  cloud.'  Give 
Ike  nclict,  and  then  if  you  stop  upon  the  moun- 
tain *s  peak,  you  will  not  have  to  tarry  long  before 
fou  will  fijid  the  cloud  passing  over  and  no  war- 
ke  drops  shed. 

Several  gentlemen  have  protested  against  giving 
ilhe  notice,  for  tlie  reason  that  it  will  ftistcn  urion 
■the  country  the  paper  system  and  its  kindred 
'abuses  for  a  long  series  of  years.  No  one  can 
legard  tliis  as  a  greater  calamity  than  myself;  but 
1  cannot  bring  my  mind  to  believe  such  evils  will 
follow.  Do  gentlemen  mean  to  address  this  argu- 
ment to  their  prominent  ally  on  this  qticstion,  the 
fmtleman  from  Massachusetts,  (Mr.  Winturop.-) 
doubt  whether  they  can  make  him  believe  it.  If 
they  succeed,  I  rather  think  he  will  become  less 
hostile  to  the  measure.  Shall  we  give  this  notice' 
*•  Not  yet,"  say  the  gentlemen.  Why  not.'  Be- 
cause we  are  not  ready.  Many  of  the  States,  they 
tell  us,  are  deeply  involved  in  debt,  and  are,  con- 
sequently, unable  to  sustain  the  burdens  of  a  war, 
should  it  ensue.  I  listened  eagerly  to  the  enumer- 
ation of  such  States,  to  ascertain  whether  New 
York  was  comprehended  in  the  list.  I  found,  to 
my  great  satisfaction,  that  she  was  not.  A  new 
light  broke  in  upon  my  mind,  I  have  ever  been 
among  tliose  opposed  to  the  creation  of  these  cnor- 
mou-s  debts  by  the  States;  I  have  been  so  for  the 
reasons  that  the  benefits  conferred  upon  the  people 
by  the  expenditure  of  the  money  obtained  must 
eTer  be  confined  to  a  lart  only,  while  the  burdens 
they  imposed  extend  to  all,  and  that  there  ever 
must  be  more  or  less  of  injustice  in  everything 
affected  by  them.  Wlien  I  view  them  in  this 
light,  and  see  how  they  cripple  the  resources  and 
palsy  the  arm  of  this  nation — how  they  tend  to 
render  her  unable  to  assert  and  maintain  her  just 
lights,  they  appear  infinitely  more  odious.  I'his 
Clovemment  must  procure  the  sinews  of  war  from 
die  people  of  the  States.  It  has  no  other  resource; 
and  if  the  States,  by  improvident  legislation,  have 
destroyed  tlieir  credit,  and  rendered  their  people 
unable  to  contribute  their  quota  to  sustain  this 
Cc.e.r.TTient,  it  is  powerless.  The  nation  cannot 
maintain  her  rights,  nor  redress  her  wrongs,  how- 
erer  flagrant.  New  York,  although  largely  in 
debt,  I  am  happy  to  say,  is  not  in  this  dilemma. 
True,  a  few  years  ago  she  was  on  the  verge  of 
bankruptcy.  Gratitude,  eternal  gratitude,  I  cannot 
but  feel  is  due  to  the  men  who  so  nobly  rescued 
her  from  this  humiliating  position;  and  honor  to 


her  oitizrns  who  to  cheerfully  dubmitled  to  thf 
burdens  nece.>i»arily  imposed,  and  so  warmly  sup- 
ported iho.<»e  they  charged  with  that  treniendou« 
and  fearful  duty.  Yes,  I  ant  proud  to  say  to-day, 
that  the  |>atriotic  sons  of  New  York  are  ready  to 
meet  every  emergency,  and  to  discharge  every 
obligation  she  is  under  ti>  the  Union.  CJo  on,  sir, 
in  the  nath  of  du'y,  and  through  weal  or  through 
wo,  >ie\v  York  will  l)0  with  you.  I  have  per- 
ceived that  most  of  those  who  nave  preceded  me 
in  this  debate  have,  in  case  of  war,  placed  their 
constituents  in  the  front  of  the  fight.  With  this 
I  am  coiiKnt.  Take  the/>o»i/,  gentlemen,  leave  to 
New  York  the  rettr,  and  I  assure  you  there  will 
be  no  retreat  while  a  British  flog  waves  on  this 
continent ! 

Why  not  give  this  notice  now?  We  are  told 
our  coasts  are  defenceles.«i — our  navy  inetriitient — 
our  anny  small,  and,  hut  a  few  days  ago,  a  com- 
munication was  read  to  us  by  the  gentleman  from 
Connecticut,  [Mr.  Rt>cKWKi.i.,]  coming  from  Sto- 
nington,  intorming  us  that  they  had  a  large  num- 
ber of  whale  ships  out  at  sea,  worth  millions  of 
dollars,  and  that  some  of  them  would  not  return  in 
two  or  three  years.  When  will  they  have  a  lesfi 
number  out  ?  1  would  like  to  know.  They  fur- 
ther advise  us  that  one  steam  frigate  could  burn 
their  town  and  destroy  it  in  two  hours  !  Gracious 
Heavens!  is  this  so.'  A  town  as  large  as  that, 
pos.sessed  of  millions  of  property,  and  yet  unable 
to  defend  itself  for  two  hours  against  one  steam 
frigate !  My  first  impulse  was  to  say,  let  them 
burn  ;  but  when  I  reflected  upon  the  enervating 
tendency  of  wealth  and  luxury,  to  the  influence  of 
w  hich  that  people  liad,  probably,  long  been  sub- 
jected, I  thought  it  better  to  send  some  of  the  more 
spirited  men  there  to  take  care  of  them  until  their 
sailors  returned,  and  then  we  should  hear  a  differ- 
ent story  from  them. 

The  gentleman  from  Virginia  [Mr.  Pendleton] 
told  us  that  New  York  city  would  experience  some 
of  the  first  bitter  fruits  of  the  war  policy — that 
she  would  be  either  laid  in  ashes  or  under  contri- 
bution. I  will  inform  that  gentleman  that  he  need 
give  him.«elf  no  uneasiness  about  New  Y'ork.  She 
can  take  care  of  herself;  and  if  the  enemy  dared 
to  attack  her,  they  would  very  soon  wish  them- 
selves aboard  of  their  steam-ships,  with  a  full 
head  of  steam,  steering  for  the  ocean.  This  talk 
about  attacking  New  York  reminds  me  of  an  inci- 
dent that  is  said  to  have  occurred  on  board  a  Brit- 
ish ship  during  the  late  war  of  this  country  and 
Great  Britain,  between  two  American  sailors,  who 
had  been  impressed,  and  a  British  tar.  The  Brit- 
on first  inouired  of  one,  where  he  was  from .'  Bos- 
ton, was  tlie  answer.  Oh,  then,  you  will  soon  be 
released,  said  the  Englishman  ;  our  fleet  is  shortly 
going  to  Boston.  Then  propounding  the  same 
question  to  the  other,  received  for  answer  :  New 
York.  Ah,  ha !  exclaimed  the  British  tar,  you 
will  have  t>9  ride  it  out,  then  ;  we  are  not  going  to 
New  York.  The  Yorker  says,  you  had  better  not; 
if  you  do,  you  will  find  old  Tompkins  there !  Let 
them  come  now,  if  they  choose,  and  instead  of 
finding  one  d;u-ing  man  they  will  dndjifty  thousand. 

What  sort  of  preparation  for  war  do  gentlemen 
wish  f-  •'  Will  they  wait  for  years,  and  expend 
large  sui ...  of  money"  in  organizing  an  army  and 
buildinga  navy,  that,  after  all,  ten  chances  to  one, 
will  never  be  wanted .'    I  do  not  believe  the  people 


■*■ 


8 


will  approve  of  ihis.  Ail  flic  prrparntiori  I  ilrHirc 
ia  nimpiy  this — 1»  htive  the  [x-opie  united ;  firmly 
convinced  tluU  ihny  arc  oluixrly  in  the  riijlit,  nnd 
HHtirtficd  tliiit  En(,fliiM(l  wa.H  inlPiit  upr)n  wreHtinj;; 
from  them,  by  force,  territory  indispiitiil)ly  theirs. 
This  would  be  eiiouf^h  ;  luid  money  would  he  ftir- 
nishsd  ;  ftrms,  and  mm  to  uhc  tlnnn,  would  be 
found  as  if  l>y  nuij^ic.  I  have  full  confidence  in 
the  people  of  this  country.  Let  the  emertfcne.y 
come,  and  they  will  prove  themselves  wortliy  of 
ihcir  revolutionary  futncrs.  Will  it  come  ?  There 
lire  many  reasons  that  lead  me  to  doubt  it. 
•  England,  althou;j;h  posscHsinj;  a  larp;e  army  nnd 
nn  immense  navy,  has  many  obstacles  to  encoun- 
ter. Her  enormouH  debt  is  like  an  incubus  upon 
her  prOHperity.  In  a  time  of  profound  iieace,  she 
Was  compelled  to  impose  taxes  upon  her  people 
that  were  driving  them  to  madness.  Already  has 
Hhe  reached  the  maximum  she  is  able  to  extort 
from  her  toiling  millions  of  subjects.  No  more  can 
be  forced  out  of  her  manut'acturers  and  ill-paid 
laborers.  Even  now,  her  necessities  have  com- 
pelled her  to  impose  an  income  tax.  This  :npo* 
sition,  which,  until  recently,  has  been  her  last  re- 
sort in  war,  and  always  reluctantly  resorted  to, she 
is  now  oblijjed  to  adopt  as  her  permanent  policy. 
Under  circumstances  like  these,  will  she  be  likely 
to  engage  in  an  unprovoked  war  with  us.'  Her 
aristocracy  control  her  policy,  and  they  perfectly 
underat»uid  that  every  dollar  expended  in  such  a 
contest  must  he  taken  from  their  pockets.  Her 
land  tax  for  years  has  been  so  oopressive  upon  the 
owners  of  her  soil,  that  they  aeclarc  themselves 
unable  to  sustain  it,  unless  protected  by  prohibi- 
tory duties  upon  the  producte  of  foreign  coruuries. 
An  adherence  to  this  policy  is  slowly  but  surely 
ruining  her  manufacturers.  It  has  been  adhered 
to  until  famine  stares  the  operatives  in  the  face. 
They  surely  have  difficulties  and  embanussments 
enough  on  hand  nearer  home,  and  more  imme- 
diately affecting  them,  than  any  territorial  claims 
Upon  our  northwest  coast. 

The  friends  of  this  measure  have  been  asked, 
whether  they  would  negotiate  after  the  notice  had 
been  given  f  As  one  of  them,  I  would  answer, 
most  certainly.  I  believe  that  this  course  will  lead  to 
a  renewal  of  negotiations  between  the  two  Govern- 
menta>  Peace  is  too  valuable  lightly  to  be  cast 
away.  The  genius  of  the  age  in  which  we  live  is 
not  warlike.  The  interests  of  both  countries  most 
strongly  incline  them  to  peace.  The  increase  of 
knowledge,  the  extension  of  civilization,  and, 
above  all,  the  spreading  of  the  genuine  principles 
of  Christianity,  have  that  tendency.  I  hope  that 
the  future  history  of  the  world  vill  contain  less 
and  less,  each  year,  of  the  direful  history  of  bat- 
tles and  tlie  conflicts  of  man  with  man,  until  the 
remembrance  of  them  will  be  banished  from  the 
earth.  I  trust  that  the  day  is  not  far  distant  when 
nations  will  learn  that  their  true  interests  are  best 
promoted  by  doing  good  to,  instead  of  inflicting 
injuries  upon,  each  other;  when  they  will  cease  to 


entertain  jealousies  about  a  "balance  of  power;  ' 
when  governments  will  be  relieved  from  every  ne- 
icssity  for  standing  armies  and  navies  to  protect 
them  iVom  foreign  aggression,  and  the  people  fVom 
the  support  of  tiiem. 

Entertaining  these  hopes,  I  again  repeat,  that  by 
all  means  1  would  negotiate  if  our  lulversary  de* 
sired;  by  all  means  1  would  make  an  honorable, 
amicable  settlement  of  this  question,  if  possible. 
About  the  terms,  I  have  nothing  to  say.  The 
neople  have  confided  that  matter  to  other  hands. 
There  let  it  remain.  My  confidence  in  the  Exe- 
cutive is  such  that  I  ent(  rtain  no  fears  for  the  honor 
or  dignity  or  rights  of  the  country  while  under 
his  control.  Let  us  do  our  duty,  by  passing  the 
resolutions  under  consideration,  leaving  others  un- 
trammelled in  the  discharge  oC  theirs, 

APPENDIX. 

Convention  between  the  United  States  of  Jimerira  and  Great 
IMIdin,  finned  <U  iMndon,  October  90,  IH18. 

Article  9.  It  i*  iismcrt  tliat  a  line  drawn  from  tlio  most 
nnrlliwestorn  iM)iiil  of  rtie  Ijiike  of  the  Wnii(ln,  alonj  the 
forty-nnitli  (mrullul  nf  north  hitltnde,  or,  If  th(t  tiiiid  |iolnt 
Hhuil  not  hv  in  the  Ibrty-ninth  jmrHllel  of  north  hititude,Uien 
tliiit  II  hnu  drnwn  from  the  miiti  point  dun  north  or  south,  lu 
the  eiiMi!  may  he,  until  the  8nid  hne  Hhiill  intrrHcrt  the  8nid 
parnllel  of  north  latitude,  nnd  from  tlie  pf)int  of  such  inter- 
Hoction  due  wcHt  along  and  wllli  the  Huid  parallel,  hIiuII  b« 
the  lino  of  demarcation  hetweentlititerritorit.'ti  of  tlie  United 
rHntcH  nnd  tlume  nf  his  Dritannie  Majesty  ;  nnd  that  the  Kaid 
line  Hhii'"  -m  the  northern  houndnry  of  the  8Hi<l  territories 
of  the  (],iiti!d  Stnteii,  and  the  Houtlicrn  boundary  of  the  ter- 
ritorioK  of  his  Britannic  Majesty,  from  the  Luke  of  ilie 
VVoods  to  the  Htony  mountains. 

Art.  3.  It  ia  agreed  that  any  country  that  may  be  einimed 
by  either  party  on  the  northwest  coast  of  America,  westward 
of  tlie  tJtony  mountains,  shall,  together  with  its  harbors, 
bays,  and  creeks,  nnd  the  navigation  of  all  rivers  within  tlie 
same,  be  free  and  opcni  fur  the  term  of  ten  years  from  the 
date  of  the  signature  of  the  present  convention,  to  the  ves- 
sels, citizens,  and  subjects  of  the  two  Powers ;  it  being  well 
understood  that  this  agreement  is  not  to  be  construed  to  the 
prejudice  of  any  claim  which  cither  of  the  two  high  con- 
tracting parties  may  have  to  any  part  of  tlie  said  country, 
nor  shall  it  be  taken  to  iflfect  the  claims  of  any  other  Power 
or  State  to  any  part  of  the  said  country ;  the  only  object  of 
the  high  contracting  parties,  in  that  respect,  being  to  prevent 
disputes  and  ditrureuces  among  tliemselves. 

Convention  betveen  the  United  State*  and   Great  Britain, 
signed  at  London,  ^ui:ust  6,  1827. 

Articlk  1.  All  the  provisions  of  the  third  article  of  the 
convention  concluded  between  the  United  States  of  Amer- 
ica and  his  Majesty  the  King  of  the  United  Kingdom  of 
Great  Britain  and  Ireland,  on  the  20th  of  October,  1818,  .-hnll 
be,  and  they  are  hereby,  further  indefinitely  extended  and 
continued  ih  force,  in  the  same  manner  as  if  all  the  provis- 
ions of  tlie  said  article  Were  herein  specifically  recited. 

Art.  2.  It  shall  be  competent,  however,  to  either  of  the 
contracting  parties,  in  case  either  should  ttiink  fit,  at  any 
time  after  the  20th  October,  1828,  on  giving  due  notice  of 
twelve  months  to  the  otiier  contracting  party,  to  annul  and 
abrogate  this  convention ;  and  it  shall,  in  such  case,  be  ac- 
cordingly entirely  annulled  and  abrogated,  after  the  expira- 
tion of  the  said  term  of  notice. 

Art.  3.  Nothing  contained  in  this  convention,  or  in  the 
third  article  of  the  convention  of  the  aoth  October,  1818, 
hereby  continued  in  force,  shall  be  construed  to  impair,  or  in 
any  manner  affect,  the  claims  which  citherof  the  contract- 
ing parties  may  have  to  any  part  of  the  country  westward  of 
the  Stony  or  Rocky  mountainri 


:'-riif'\ 


:  \ 


JM^ 


nncfl  of  power;  ' 
c(l  from  every  ne- 
navifjN  to  protect 
(1  the  people  from 

lin  repent,  that  by 
ur  iiaversnry  de- 
ce  un  honornbic, 
ilion,  if  possible. 
ig  to  Htiy.  The 
r  to  other  linnds. 
nee  in  tlio  Kxe- 
■iars  for  the  honor 
ntry  while  under 
^  by  passinj;;  the 
iiivin^  otliers  un- 
irs. 


Jtmfrira  and  Great 
cr  20,  1818. 

•awn  from  the  most 
V\'o(i(l»,  iiloriR  the 
•r,  if  the  Hiiid  |>olnt 
iiortliliiUtuile,  tticn 
s  north  or  hoiiUi,  an 
II  intersect  the  snicl 
point  of  Bucli  inter- 
Id  parallel,  Hhiill  be 
loricH  of  till!  United 
:y ;  and  that  the  Haid 
the  naif!  torritones 
oundary  of  the  ter- 
i  the  Lake  of  tlie 

rtat  may  be  claimed 
America,  westward 

with  its  harbors, 
ill  rivers  within  the 

ten  years  from  the 
ention,  to  the  ves- 
•wers;  it  being  well 
be  construed  to  the 

the  two  higli  con- 
'  tlic  said  country, 
9f  any  other  Power 
;  the  only  object  of 
c!t,  beln)(  to  prevent 


■nd   Great  Britain, 
1827. 

ihird  article  of  the 
ed  States  of  Amer- 
rnited  Kingdom  o( 
October,  1818,  shall 
Itely  extended  and 
IS  If  all  the  provis- 
HcBlly  recited. 
3r,  to  either  of  the 
rt  think  flt,  at  any 
ing  due  notice  o( 
arty,  to  annul  and 
1  sucli  case,  be  ac- 
1,  after  the  expira- 

ivention,  or  in  the 
Ith  October,  1818, 
led  to  impair,  or  in 
Br  of  the  contract* 
untry  westward  of 


t  I 


